Throughout
its modern history Lebanon has known, in varying degrees and patterns,
disparities between the different social categories, and one form or
another of deprivation and poverty. The widespread phenomenon of
migration, in both its internal and external manifestations - which over
the last hundred years led to the spread of millions of Lebanese and
descendants of Lebanese origin all over the globe - is one example of
the results of economic and social crises, scarcity of resources, and
limited prospects and opportunities in the country.
The periods of prosperity which preceded the war did not benefit all
Lebanon evenly. Vast parts of the country remain below acceptable levels
of development, and their population continues to live in a glaring
state of deprivation. The benefits, moreover, did not extend to social
categories whose share in growth returns was not adequate to meet basic
needs. These phenomena reflect a lack of an overall development vision
which would otherwise ensure balance among regions and sectors, and
between the social and economic dimensions in the development process.
The "IRFED" Mission study constitutes the point of departure
for examining the social and developmental situation in the country. The
study, published in 1961, dealt with the needs and possibilities of
development in Lebanon, based on an unprecedented research and survey
effort covering all Lebanese regions. It constituted the first official
document to reveal the wide disparities in development between the
center and periphery in Lebanon.
In addition to the disparities in levels of development between Beirut
and the peripheral areas; or between the city and the country side in
general, or even as a function of geographic proximity to Beirut, the
IRFED study unveiled huge disparities in income distribution for the
interval 1959-1960. The richest 4 percent among the Lebanese
appropriated 32 percent of the national income, whereas the poor
constituted 50 percent of the population, including 9 percent which the
study considered as "wretched".
Moreover, increasing disparities were observed among sectors and,
consequently, in their share of the national product, especially between
agriculture, which until the mid-1960s was the major employer of the
labor force, and services which gradually began to account for an
increasing portion of the national product.
These facts reflect the extent of deprivation and the social and
regional disparities with which the State, during the presidency of
Fouad Chehab (1958-1964) had to deal with. That era was characterized by
a broadly-based attempt to reduce these disparities and reform the
public administration. While no comprehensive surveys exist to help
evaluate the actual accomplishments during this period, partial and
sectoral studies, and contributions by a number of researchers in the
economic and social fields, concur in indicating that some success was
achieved, especially with respect to laying the foundations for the
emergence and expansion of a middle class, and in emphasizing the role
which the expansion of education (especially public education) played as
a vehicle for social and career enhancement.
Starting in 1960, the State began to pay increasing attention to
socio-economic disparities and distortions, and the need to have an
active social policy and for introducing institutional and
administrative reforms to contain these disparities and limit their
adverse effects not only with respect to the economy but also on
political stability and security-especially after the events of 1958. As
a result, the State introduced a number of reforms, some of which fall
within the functions of the welfare state. These include the setting up
of the Social Security System; periodic review of the minimum wage
level; establishment of the Social Development Office; the Green
Project; linking all regions to the electricity grid; generalization of
public schools; strengthening the Lebanese University; and, expanding
the road network and governmental hospitals and dispensaries. In
addition, serious efforts were made to strengthen the Ministry of
Planning, by establishing the Central Directorate of Statistics; and to
reform and strengthen the administration, and provide it with the
immunity needed for proper functioning. This was done mainly through the
establishment of the Civil Service Board, the Central Inspection Agency,
the Council for Disciplinary Action and the Cooperative of Public Sector
Employees; and the regulation of monetary and financial policies through
the Currency and Credit Law, by virtue of which the Bank of Lebanon was
established.
These
reforms did not bring an end to the distortions, but helped to reduce
their intensity and improve living standards and the quality of life in
the deprived regions, and for low-income social categories. They also
contributed to the emergence of a middle class nucleus, believed to have
constituted an important segment of the Lebanese society on the eve of
the war in 1975.
A comparison of available information - though derived from studies that
differ with respect to methodology, purpose and sample size and
distribution - indicates that the ratio of the poor in the total
population fell from about 50 percent in 1959-1960 to 22 percent in
1973-1974; that of the high-income category expanded from 18 percent to
21 percent; and that a marked rise occurred in the share of the middle
class, from 32 percent to 57 percent , . Another indicator of the
abatement in the inequality of income distribution was the drop in the
share of the richest category (4 percent) in national income from 32
percent in 1960 to 20 percent in 1970 .
During that period, education played a distinctive role in promoting
upward social mobility. This can be clearly discerned by relating income
to the level of education attained, which shows that the two variables
are positively correlated. For example, the percentage of illiterates in
the lowest income category was 60 percent, compared with about 2 percent
in the category having the highest income . Also, the percentage of
university graduates among the poor was less than 1 percent, while it
reached 34 percent among the rich.
Despite the noticeable improvement, social disparities remained strong.
For example, the share of the poorest one-third of the population did
not exceed 10 percent of the gross product, whereas the share of richest
one-sixth was more than one half . Likewise, regional disparities
continued, with 60 percent of the poor living in rural areas in 1974,
compared to 10 percent among the rich .
The standard of services in dwellings also differed markedly between
Beirut, other cities, and rural areas. The labor force study of 1970
shows (Table 2) that 42.5 percent of rural dwellings were not provided
with an internal toilet facility, compared to 11 percent in Beirut; over
one-third of these dwellings were not connected to the water network,
compared to 6 percent in Beirut and 7 percent the other cities; and 14
percent were not connected to the electricity grid compared to around
one percent only in Beirut and 2 percent in other cities. |
Similarly,
disparities in educational attainment have persisted between urban and
rural regions, with the proportion of illiterates in Beirut standing at
less than 5 percent in 1974, compared to 16 percent in its suburbs. The
percentage attains 19 percent and 23 percent in the two mohafazats of
South Lebanon and the Bekaa, respectively. Furthermore, 70 percent of
the illiterate population in 1974 lived in rural areas, compared with 13
percent for university graduates .
These disparities have persisted despite the rise in school enrolment in
rural areas since 1970, where educational attainment reached levels
comparable to the national average for some age groups, especially the
10-19 years category . The somewhat lower enrolment level observed for
the higher age group (20-29 years) could be attributed to the lack of
universities in rural areas; the difficulty of commuting daily to and
from Beirut; or to the high cost involved in living there on a permanent
basis. The high school enrolment ratio in rural areas is not consistent
with the relatively low number of educated people that live there. This
phenomenon reflects the attitude of people in these areas, who regard
education as a stepping stone for improving their social standing, but
seek to improve their situation in the capital and other urban centers.
Comparing the student population enrolled at universities in the
different regions with the percentage of resident university graduates
(Table 3) shows that the percentage in Beirut and the other cities is
relatively high for the second category, and low in the rural areas. The
negative balance between the number of students and that of residing
graduates reflects the "brain-drain" to which the rural areas
are exposed as a result of the attraction towards city glamour, but
especially due to poor-living conditions, inadequate services, as well
as the lack of suitable employment opportunities. The strength of
attraction towards cities is felt not only at the level of university
graduates, but also with respect to the availability of employment
opportunities in the industrial sector in the different regions. This
sector, though it did not employ more than 20 percent of the total labor
force, provided at least job continuity and, hence, continuity in wages
and incomes which the poorly developed agricultural sector in the
peripheral areas could not ensure.
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